2007年3月31日星期六

Tocqueville’s Blind Spot

Garry Wills, "Did Tocqueville ‘Get’ America?"
...

Tocqueville is uninterested in the material bases of American life. It is as if he ghosted his way directly into the American spirit, by passing the body of the nation. There is practically nothing in his first volume, and little more in his second volume, about American capitalism, manufactures, banking, or technology. He rides around on steamboats without noticing how crucially they were changing American life. He does not describe the speed, convenience, or dangers of this new technology. He also ignores the infant railroad industry and the burgeoning canal systems. Boston was one of the two cities he stayed in longest, but he was not curious enough to look at the factories in nearby Lowell. He does refer to cotton production, without recognizing the key to that production, the cotton gin. The importance of these developments was obvious to another French author, Michel Chevalier, who visited America four years later Tocqueville and emphasized the Industrial Revolution’s importance to its future.

Even John Stuart Mill, who praised Democracy on its appearance, noted: “It is perhaps the greatest defect of M. de Tocqueville’s book that, from the scarcity of examples, his propositions, even when derived from observation, have the air of mere abstract speculations.” James Bryce agreed with this criticism, saying that Tocqueville reasoned a priori rather than from facts he found in America. He “divines” America—or “intuits” it, as Bryce said.

...

The New York Review of Books
Volume LI, Number 7 · April 29, 2004.

Copyright © 1963-2007 NYREV, Inc.

2007年3月23日星期五

Käthe-Kollwitz/ 珂勒惠支

珂勒惠支的作品,鲁迅先生晚年很喜欢的一幅。

2007年3月21日星期三

The Freedom Tower (Havel, NYRB)/ 捷克的哈维尔对9-11废墟重建计划的质疑

By Vaclav Havel, Translated from the Czech by Paul Wilson

Gov. Eliot Spitzer announced yesterday that he supported going ahead with construction of the Freedom Tower at ground zero, making official his change of mind about a project that he once called a white elephant.
The New York Times, February 21, 2007

May 19, 2005

I have to admit to something I don't know whether I can actually say here: I absolutely hated those two skyscrapers at the World Trade Center. They were a typical kind of architecture that has no ideas behind it. Moreover, they disrupted the skyline of the city; they towered absurdly over the beautiful crystalline topography of Manhattan. They were two monuments to the cult of profit at any cost: regardless of what they looked like, they had to have the greatest imaginable number of square meters of office space. I was once on the top floor of one of those buildings for dinner, and I discovered that the entire edifice was constantly swaying slightly. I took it as a sign that something was not right and that something was going on here that was, in a sense, against nature. A boat may sway, but a building should not. The view down was dull; it was no longer the view from a skyscraper and it wasn't yet the view from an aircraft.

And here's what I fear: that for reasons of prestige they will build something even higher on the same spot, something that will spoil New York even more, that they will enter into some kind of absurd competition with the terrorists; and who will win in the end, the suicidal fanatics or an even higher Tower of Babel? You have to fight against terrorists with armies, the police, the intelligence services; their sympathizers have to be dealt with by politicians, political scientists, sociologists, and psychologists. Buildings, however, should be erected to enrich human settlements, not to make them duller. Why couldn't new buildings be put up on that spot proportional to the buildings already there, and that would simply blend into the existing skyline? Likewise, I don't think that some bombastic monument should be erected at Ground Zero. What happened there must be commemorated, but tastefully, as the fallen from the Vietnam or the Korean wars are commemorated in Washington, or simply with a single large space or room that would evoke the catastrophe and its context.

—Translated from the Czech by Paul Wilson, from To the Castle and Back,Václav Havel's book of diaries, memoranda, and observations during the last eighteen years, to be published by Knopf in May.

The New York Review of Books
Volume 54, Number 5 ·
March 29, 2007
Copyright © 1963-2007 NYREV, Inc.

2007年3月20日星期二

教中文轶事三则/ Three anecdotes of teaching Chinese

我在加州伯克利大学东亚系学习的时间不短了,以研究生的身份来教语言课或文学课,不论用中文还是英文,都很久了。但讲授年头最多,经验最丰富的,还是初级和中级的语言课。我时常想起那时的事儿。


“穿”和“戴”

一次教暑期班,共事的还有一位洋人,也是研究生,语言学系的,很敬业。一天早上八点我发现他堵在我教室的门口,一见我就问:“手套可以说‘穿’吗?”我说:你只能“戴”手套,不能“穿”手套。“那袜子呢?”他追问道。我说:你只能“穿”袜子。他又问:“我为什么不能戴袜子?”“因为……”这把我问住了。情急之下脱口而出:“下身为穿上身为戴也”。他满意了,飞快在教案上画了几笔,连说“多谢”,就咚咚跑去讲课了。


一日为师,终身为“?”

又是一年秋天开学,碰到了以往教过的一个很聪明的洋人,已经是学佛教的研究生了。寒暄过后,洋同学说:“王老师,还可以问问题吗?”我说“请”。于是问道:“以前你教我中文,我叫你老师。现在我也成研究生了,你也不再教我。该叫你什么?”我想了想说:“叫哥们儿怎么样?”


中国人买汽车

这事儿跟在加州伯克利大学的教书无关。有一位渊博的老先生,是我的好友,我们私下探讨一些中国文学,我也向老先生求教英语文学。老先生对中国的事儿很注意,有一天给我看一则关于中国私人汽车拥有量快速增长的报道。他担心地说:“太多的中国人买汽车了,真不好。中国人口比美国多好几倍,如果像美国人那样一家好几辆车,世界汽油就没了。中国人买汽车真不好。王老师您说怎么办?”我说:“也是。中国人别买汽车了。让美国的人家把汽车捐给中国人,这样好不好?”话说完了,两人都笑了。


© Copyright by Dun Wang (王敦). All rights reserved. 著作权拥有者:Dun Wang (王敦)。

2007年3月16日星期五

God, Abraham, and Mimesis/ 上帝、亚伯拉罕和艺术再现

While God and Abraham, the serving-men, the ass, and the implements are simply named, without mention of any qualities or any other sort of definition, Isaac once receives an appositive; God says, “Take Isaac, thine only son, whom thou lovest.” But this is not a characterization of Isaac as a person, apart from his relation to his father and apart from the story; he may be handsome or ugly, intelligent or stupid, tall or short, pleasant or unpleasant—we are not told. Only what we need to know about him as a personage in the action, here and now, is illuminated, so that it may become apparent how terrible Abraham’s temptation is, and that God is fully aware of it. By this example of the contrary, we see the significance of the descriptive adjectives and digressions of the Homeric poems; with their indications of the earlier and as it were absolute existence of the persons described, they prevent the reader from concentrating exclusively on a present crisis; even when the most terrible things are occurring, they prevent the establishment of an overwhelming suspense. But here, in the story of Abraham’s sacrifice, the overwhelming suspense is present; what Schiller makes the goal of the tragic poet—to rob us of our emotional freedom, to turn our intellectual and spiritual powers (Schiller say “our activity”) in one direction, to concentrate them there—is effected in this Biblical narrative, which certainly deserves the epithet epic.

--Erich Auerbach, Mimesis: the Representation of Reality in Western Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1953), 11.

The Homeric poems present of definite complex of events whose boundaries in space and time are clearly delimited; before it, beside it, and after it, other complexes of events, which do not depend upon it, can be conceived without conflict and without difficulty. The Old Testament, on the other hand, presents universal history: it begins with the beginning of time, with the creation of the world, and will end with the Last Days, the fulfilling of the Covenant, with which the world will come to an end. Everything else that happens in the world can only be conceived as an element in this sequence; into it everything that is known about the world, or at least everything that touches upon the history of the Jews, must be fitted as an ingredient of the divine plan; and as this too became possible only by interpreting the new material as it poured in, the need for interpretation reaches out beyond the original Jewish-Israelitish realm of reality—for example to Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, and Roman history; interpretation in a determined direction becomes a general method of comprehending reality; the new and strange world which now comes into view and which, in the form in which it presents itself, proves to be wholly unutilizable within the Jewish religious frame, must be so interpreted that it can find a place there.

--Ibid, 17.

© Copyright by Dun Wang (王敦). All rights reserved. 著作权拥有者:Dun Wang (王敦)。

2007年3月12日星期一

The Toughness and Color of Writing--E.B.White/ 简练的好处

Write with nouns and verbs, not with adjectives and adverbs. The adjective hasn’t been built that can pull a weak or inaccurate noun out of a tight place…. [I]t is nouns and verbs, not their assistants, that give to good writing its toughness and color. (E. B. White, The Elements of Style, 3rd Edition)

写文章时,名词和动词最鲜明有力,因此不要用过多的形容词和副词来修饰。这个道理其实好懂。谁都知道大海是蓝的,血是红的,麦子是黄的,因此写下了“大海”、“血”或“麦子”以后,颜色已经包含在里面了。即使是“血海”、“麦浪”,也无须用鲜红或金黄来修饰,除非是为了故意的效果。

《红楼梦》里的对话,美轮美奂。从话锋里尽可以想象林黛玉有多酸,袭人有多诡秘,平儿有多恭敬,凤姐何等精明。可是,曹雪芹根本不用“酸”、“诡秘”等字眼。所有人说话,都是不加分别的一个动词“道”。最多是两个字,“笑道”。

再举个例子,《史记 · 循吏列传》里对石奢的记述只有这么一小段:

石奢者,楚昭王相也。坚直廉正,无所阿避。行县,道有杀人者,相追之,乃其父也。纵其父而还,自系焉,使人言之王曰:杀人者臣之父也。夫以父立政,不孝也。废法纵罪,非忠也;臣罪当死。王曰:追而不及,不当伏罪。子其治事矣。石奢曰:不私其父,非孝子也;不奉主法,非忠臣也;王赦其罪,上惠也;伏诛而死,臣职也。遂不受令,自刎而死。

一百二十六个字,就把一个充满了内心挣扎的人物永传千古了。不光没有用形容词,而且连事情也是挑选最重要的关头才写下来。石奢追到父亲时心理活动怎样,说了什么,楚王的心情如何,石奢自杀前有怎样的痛苦挣扎,都不提。把一个不简单的人物“传略”到如此简略的程度,却能震撼千古以后的读者,说明了简练的好处,也说明了简练的不易。

© Copyright by Dun Wang (王敦). All rights reserved. 著作权拥有者:Dun Wang (王敦)。

2007年3月11日星期日

Burton Watson 翻译的《史记 · 伯夷列传》/ Records of the Grand Historian

这是 Burton Watson 翻译的《史记》里面的第一篇列传:〈伯夷列传〉。抄写了一遍,不仅细细品味了翻译严谨,而且更借此对照并细读了司马迁的原文。

Shih chi 61: The Biography of Po Yi and Shu Ch’i

Although in the world of learning there exist a large number and variety of books and records, their reliability must always be examined in the light of the Six Classics. In spite of deficiencies in the Odes and Documents, we can nevertheless know something about the culture of the times of Emperor Shun and the Hsia dynasty. When, for instance, Emperor Yao wished to retire from his position, he yielded the throne to Shun, and Shun in turn yielded it to Yü. But in each case the high court officials first unanimously recommended these men for the position and they were given the throne for a period of trial. Only after they had discharged the duties of the imperial office for twenty or thirty years, and their merit and ability had become manifest, was the rule finally ceded to them. This proves that the empire is a precious vessel, its ruler part of a great line of succession, and that its transmission is a matter of extreme gravity. Yet there are theorists who say that Yao tried to yield the empire to Hsü Yu and that Hsü Yu was ashamed and would not accept it but instead fled into hiding. Again, for the time of the Hsia dynasty we have similar stories of men called Pien Sui and Wu Kuang. Where do people get stories like this?

The Grand Historian remarks: When I ascended Mount Chi I found at the top what is said to be the grave of Hsü Yu. Confucius, we know, eulogizes the ancient sages and men of wisdom and virtue, and quite specifically mentions such figures at T’ai-po of Wu and Po Yi. Now I am told that Hsü Yu and Wu Kuang were men of the highest virtue, and yet in the Classics there appears not the slightest reference to them. Why would this be?

Confucius said, “Po Yi and Shu Ch’I never bore old ills in mind and hence seldom had any feelings of rancor.” “They sought to act virtuously and they did so; what was there for them to feel rancor about?”

I am greatly moved by the determination of Po Yi. But when I examine the song that has been attributed to him, I find it very strange.

The story of these men states that Po Yi and Shu Ch’i were elder and younger sons of the ruler of Ku-chu. Their father wished to set up Shu Ch’i as his heir but, when he died, Shu Ch’i yielded in favor of his elder borther Po Yi. Po Yi replied that it had been their father’s wish that Shu Ch’i should inherit the throne and so he departed from the state. Shu Ch’i like wise, being unwilling to accept the rule, went away and the people of the state set up a middle brother as ruler. At this time Po Yi and Shu Ch’i heard that Ch’ang, the Chief of the West, was good at looking after old people, and they said, “Why not go and follow him?” But when they had gone they found that the Chief of the West was dead and his son, King Wu, had taken up the ancestral tablet of his father, whom he honored with the posthumous title of King Wen, and was marching east to attack the emperor of the Yin dynasty. Po Yi and Shu Ch’i clutched the reins of King Wu’s horse and reprimanded him, saying, “The mourning for your father not yet completed and here you take up shield and spear—can this conduct be called filial? As a subject you seek to assassinate your sovereign—can this conduct be called humane?” The king’s attendants wished to strike them down, but the king’s counselor, T’ai-kung, interposed, saying, “These are righteous men,” and he sent them away unharmed.

After this, King Wu conquered and pacified the people of the Yin and the world honored the house of Chou as its ruler. But Po Yi and Shu Ch’i were filled with outrage and considered it unrighteous to eat the grain of Chou. They fled and hid on Shouyang Mountain, where they tried to live by gathering ferns to eat. When they were on the point of starvation, they composed a song:

We climb this western hill
and pick its ferns;
replacing violence with violence,
he will not see his own fault.
Shen Nung, Yü, and Hsia,
great men gone so long ago—
whom shall we turn to now?
Ah—let us be off,
for our fate has run out!

They died of starvation on Shou-yang Mountain. When we exaine this song, do we find any rancor or not?

Some people say, “It is Heaven’s way to have no favorites but always to be on the side of the good man.” Can we say then that Po Yi and Shu Ch’i were good men or not? They piled up a record for goodness and were pure in deed, as we have seen, and yet they starved to death.

Of his seventy disciples, Confucius singled out Yen Hui for praise because of his diligence in learning, yet Yen Hui was often in want, never getting his fill of even the poorest food, and in the end he suffered an untimely death. Is this the way heaven rewards the good man?

Robber Chih day after day killed innocent men, making mincemeat of their flesh. Cruel and willful, he gathered a band of several thousand followers who went about terrorizing the world, but in the end he lived to a ripe old age. For what virtue did he deserve this?

These are only the most obvious and striking examples. Even in more recent times we see that men whose conduct departs from what is prescribed and who do nothing but violate the taboos and prohibitions enjoy luxury and wealth to the end of their lives, and hand them on to their heirs for generations without end. And there are others who carefully choose the spot where they will place each footstep, who “speak out only when it is time to speak,” who “walk no bypaths” and expend no anger on what is not upright and just, and yet, in numbers too great to be reckoned, they meet with misfortune and disaster. I find myself in much perplexity. Is this so-called Way of Heaven right or wrong?

Confucius said, “Those whose ways are different cannot lay plans for one another.” Each will follow his own will. Therefore he said, “If the search for riches and honor were sure to be successful, though I should become a groom with whip in hand to get them, I would do so. But as the search might not be successful, I will follow after that which I love.” “When the year becomes cold, then we know that the pine and cypress are the last to lose their leaves.” When the whole world is in muddy confusion, then is the man of true purity seen. Then must one judge what he will consider important and what important and what unimportant.

“The superior man hates the thought of his name not being mentioned after his death.” As Chia Yi has said:

The covetous run after riches,
the impassioned pursue a fair name;
the proud die struggling for power,
and the people long only to live.

Things of the same light illumine each other; things of the same class seek each other out. Clouds pursue the dragon; the wind follows the tiger. The sage arises and all creation becomes clear.

Po Yi and Shu Ch’i, although they were men of great virtue, became, through Confucius, even more illustrious in fame. Though Yen Hui was diligent in learning, like a fly riding the tail of a swift horse, his attachments to Confucius made his deeds renowned. The hermit-scholars hiding away in their caves may be ever so correct in their givings and takings, and yet the names of them and their kind are lost and forgotten without receiving a word of praise. Is this not pitiful? Men of humble origin living in the narrow lanes strive to make perfect their actions and to establish a name for themselves, but if they do not some how attach themselves to a great man, a “man of the blue clouds,” how can they hope that their fame will be handed down to posterity?


2007年3月8日星期四

小儿读书法(南宋末年)/ Chinese literary pedagogy for the kids, circa 1270 AD

小兒讀書法

若初授四句﹐不必多教遍數﹐且以多教識字為上。既識字﹐則可令其自讀。若未能盡讀﹐且讀兩句﹐其兩句識得字文。讀得稍熟﹐則令識後兩句子。讀後兩句又稍熟﹐然後令通讀四句。既讀得四句盡熟則放歸。似此數日則可又添一句﹐須是熟了﹐即便放歸。小兒貪其歸﹐則用心讀而漸可添也。若其後授得字多﹐其初則分為三兩授讀。俟其口熟則通讀。如其中有甚難讀者﹐則特讀數十遍。如甚易者﹐則分讀時不須讀﹐直待通一授讀然後讀其易者。此亦讀書省力之良法也。

小兒溫書法

若讀書當時雖極熟﹐久而不誦皆忘之。故讀過書不可不溫。其溫書之法﹐且若初讀過書一卷則一日溫此一卷。其後讀過二卷二卷則二日溫一遍﹐三卷則三日溫一遍。大約一日溫一卷也。若讀過一百卷則一百日能溫一遍﹐二百卷則二百日能溫一遍﹐亦永不忘。如長成者﹐讀過論孟六經﹐一放下則周年未必能溫一遍﹐所以不能記也。此乃揚子吳秘之家傳溫書之法。如此則初讀時不須四授。以一日之工溫之﹐亦不須一卷了又分為兩授。溫之既省工又永永不忘真妙法也。

。。。

改小兒文字法

若改小兒文字﹐縱做得未是﹐亦須留少許﹐不得盡改。若盡改﹐則沮挫其才思﹐不敢道也。直待做得七八分是了﹐方可盡改作十分。若只隨他立意而改﹐亦是一法。

日誦課程

置日課簿一扇﹐隨日抄附。所讀經書子書史書各見書目﹐並誌出處讀前輩經賦各一道。須各具題目並起止。當日編節□文字若干。亦須以千字為

習業課程

置所業簿一扇﹐逐課編錄。每月初三﹑初八﹑十三﹑十八各作詩賦一道。二十三日作論一道。二十八日作策一道。或作解義﹐疑義亦得。已上課各於當日了畢。次日聚看。遇有乾事﹐次日補填。夙起夜寐﹐夙起當於雞鳴。先師曰﹕雞鳴而起﹐孳孳為善﹐舜之徒也。夜寐必至三鼓為準﹐不可不及。萬乘之尊﹐尚以乙夜觀書﹐何況布衣﹖庶幾可以窮一日之力觀書。或有疑難﹐無惜訪問。況吾郡中有絳帳先生﹐里干中所至﹐有賢師友﹐皆可請益。蘇子由言﹕有一人死而復生﹐問冥官如何修身可以免罪。答曰﹕子且置一卷曆書﹐日之所為﹐暮夜必記之。但不記者﹐是不可言﹐即不可作。予亦謂學者﹐不論在學校或在講會中或在私家﹐皆當如前說。日附課簿以自早至暮所誦之書所誦之文﹐一一記錄之況。此正是為善之事。若無可錄﹐寧無愧心緣此勉強。日有課程﹐月有進益。累士不輟﹐丘山崇成不至﹐有人則作﹐無人則輟也。

。。。


这都是数年前从民间类书《事林广记》里抄录的。当时觉得好玩儿,所以一边抄录,一边随手加以句读。《事林广记》好像一个大杂烩,是南宋末年出现的一种市井通俗读物。我所藏有的《事林广记》是中华书局1999年影印的海内外两个版本合集,详细版本情况不赘述了。上述教育小孩儿读书的法子都出自于这部类书里面的“幼学”类。(北大藏的郑氏积诚堂版本)

© Copyright by Dun Wang (王敦). All rights reserved. 著作权拥有者:Dun Wang (王敦)。

2007年3月6日星期二

Synchronized Time & World War

Stephen Kern, The Culture of Time and Space: 1880-1918 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), 288.

The war imposed homogeneous time. In 1890 Moltke had campaigned for the introduction of World Standard Time, and in 1914 he used it to put into effect a war plan that required all the men to be in the right place at precisely the right time. In the prewar years wrist watches were thought to be unmanly; during the war they became standard military equipment. Before the battles wrist watches were synchronized so that everyone went over the top at the correct time. Edmund Blunden recalled how before an offensive a runner distributed watches which had been synchronized at field headquarters. The battle of the Somme began on the morning of July 1, 1916, as hundreds of platoon leaders blew their whistles when their synchronized watches showed that it was 7:30 A.M., sending the soldiers of the Their and Fourth British armies up the scaling ladders and over the parapet into no-man's-land. The delicate sensitivity to private time of Bergson and Proust had no place in the war. It was obliterated by the overwhelming force of mass movements that regimented the lives of millions of men by the public time of clocks and wrist watches, synchronized to maximize the effectiveness of bombardments and offensives.

© Copyright by Dun Wang (王敦). All rights reserved. 著作权拥有者:Dun Wang (王敦)。

2007年3月4日星期日

官 · 妓女 · 洋人 (Officials, Prostitutes, and "Roundeyes" in Late Qing China)

利用洋人的眼睛来道出“支那”官场和欢场的相通之处,屡见于晚清中国人的想象中。这位“西友”的感叹就是出自于当时的报章:

〈大字名片〉

外国人之名片。大仅一二寸许。中国人之名片。大至五六寸。而官场中与外国人交涉往来之名片。则又加大。且字大如拳。不知是何命意。上海各歌妓之名片。亦崇尚大字。几满纸柬。有西友至某妓处小坐。谈笑之顷。观见其名片。不禁诧曰。汝等之名片。何以亦是大字。妓曰。此备以请客人之用者。西友叹曰。原来汝等待客人。就如同官场待我辈一般。

在另一篇小说里,一个洋人也总结道:“盖支那官之待吾辈如妓女之待狎客。即谓吾辈为支那官之狎客可也”。

© Copyright by Dun Wang (王敦). All rights reserved. 著作权拥有者:Dun Wang (王敦)。

2007年3月3日星期六

Edward Said the optimist/ 爱德华 · 萨义德:乐观主义者

...

Pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will. Edward liked to quote Gramsci's aphorism, and with good reason. But he wasn't a pessimist of any kind, either of the intellect or the will. He was the deepest, most devoted, most unalterable kind of optimist, the optimist who can look despair in the face and keep on hoping. I remember a long argument we had at the time of the signing of the Oslo Accords. The thing went on for about four hours, Edward pacing up and down in his apartment drinking glass after glass of orange juice. I was looking for hope but looking in the wrong place. In the end, I said: 'But Edward, you've got to believe that some day, somehow, things are going to get better.' He looked at me as if I was mad, and said: 'Of course I believe that. If I didn't believe that I wouldn't be doing any of this.'

...

Michael Wood, "On Edward Said."

2007年3月2日星期五

The Industrial Base of "Esthetic Freedom"/ “审美自由”的工业化前提

The "esthetic freedom' of the pre-industrial subject was discovered at the very moment when the pre-industrial methods of production and transportation seemed threatened by mechanization: this is a typical process of romanticization, one that even the young Marx was not entirely immune to. As long as the pre-industrial methods and their forms of work and travel were the dominant ones, a Carlyle or Ruskin or Morris would never have thought of seeing them in an esthetic light. As every travel journal and every social history of artisanship demonstrates, they were quotidian and cumbersome. When industrialization suddenly caused these old forms to be seen from an esthetic and romanticizing viewpoint, we learn less about those forms themselves than about general attitudes towards industrialization.

Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Railway Journey: The Industrialization of Time and Space in the 19th Century (Berkeley: The University of California Press, 1987), 121.

© Copyright by Dun Wang (王敦). All rights reserved. 著作权拥有者:Dun Wang (王敦)。