2008年2月27日星期三

The Post-Communist Condition


Ivailo Dichev, “The Post-Communist Condition,” presentation at Dubrovnik, October 1990.

...

Post-communist countries today are haunted by the idea that there was nothing symbolic in the defeat of communism. Tzvetan Todorov wrote that the feeling was like what happened to the woman in Maupassant’s story: she borrowed a necklace and lost it, and then worked her whole life to pay its price, only to find out that the pearls were a cheap imitation and that she had ruined her life in vain. Actually it was even worse, as everyone realized the project of communism was but an act of will; on both sides of the Berlin Wall they knew it was not a symbolic reality [in the sense of being] something imposed on men by God or the like—they knew it was a “political decision.” The Wall separated neither nations, nor cultures, nor natures of some sort; it was absolutely arbitrary, running between towns, houses, households: it vanished into thin air (except for souvenirs and tourist-guidebooks), as if it had never existed. Thus there is nothing to learn from the fall of communism, no moral to be taken. The enemy left no corpse behind—you have ruined economies, killed people, polluted land, but the transcendence as artifact [communism’s “act of will”] is nowhere to be seen; the will to power disappeared in being defeated and one could ask oneself whether one’s life had been real at all.

...

Eisenstein and Hollywood/ 爱森斯坦与好莱坞


Susan Buck-Morss, Dreamworld and Catastrophe: The Passing of Mass Utopia in East and West (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2000).

...

It has been argued that “the mass” as a coherent visual phenomenon can only inhabit the simulated, indefinite space of the cinema screen. Cinema creates an imagined space where a mass body exists that can exist nowhere else. “No reality could stand the intensity of the mass shown in cinema,” writes the Russian philosopher Valerii Podoroga. He describes Eisenstein’s film images of the crowd of people as a composite form, a “protoplasmic being in the process of becoming,” a “flow of violence” that fills the screen, with close-ups of faces overwhelmed by shock, extending the human countenance to the “limit of its expressivity.” Even more than the civil war newsreels of 1918-1921, Eisenstein’s feature films—Strike (1924), Potemkin (1926), October (1927)—gave an experience of the mass that became the reference point for future meaning. At a time when Western directors were filming the crowd as a negative image, Eisenstein glorified the mass as an organic force. In 1927 Walter Benjamin (to whom Podoroga is indebted) described Eisenstein’s cinema mass as “architectonic” in character: “No other medium could transmit this turbulent collective.”

When later Soviet generations “remembered” the October Revolution, it was Eisenstein’s images they had in mind. The particular characteristics of the screen as a cognitive organ enabled audiences to see the materiality not only of this new collective protagonist, but also of other ideal entities: the unity of the revolutionary people, the idea of international solidarity, the idea of the Soviet Union itself. Indeed, it is doubtful whether the Soviet experience would have been possible without cinema, and Lenin turned out to be more right than he could have anticipated when he called cinema, of all the arts, “for us” the most important. (147)

...

Hollywood created a new mass figure, the individualized composite of the “star.” It can be argued that, like Eisenstein’s protoplasmic mass, this new being could only exist in the super-space of the cinema screen. The star, quintessentially female, was a sublime and simulated corporeality…. If the Soviet screen provided a prosthetic experience of collective power, the Hollywood screen provided a prosthetic experience of collective desire. (148)

...


2008年2月24日星期日

Edward H. Schafer


Edward H. Schafer, The Vermilion Bird: T’ang Images of the South (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967), 116-118.


Edward H. Schafer (1913-1991) 曾经是我们系的头牌教授,拥有 Agassiz Professor of Oriental Languages and Literature 的掌门头衔,在我们系退休终老,辈分比 Cyril Birch 教授还要早。他做学问的路数,和现在的人不太一样。其实这不重要,重要的是他的学问太大太广阔了,实在是很难总结出固定的路数来。这几十年来,西方的中国文学研究突飞猛进,跨越了一个又一个里程碑, Schafer 教授的书早就不“热了。但是他老先生的渊博是没人能超越的。这本著名的Vermilion Bird 给我的感觉是兼有中国古代类书囊括万有的广度与人类学宗师 Frazer 爵士 1854-1941) 横扫千军万马的功力,确实罕见。谁要是缺少研究课题了,翻翻他的书,保证能处处见宝,随手找出半打以上的研究题目来。单单是欣赏他的行文风格,也是很引人入胜的。下面的这一段摘抄便是。在这里面老先生谈论的是柳宗元的《小石城山记》,随手也给翻译得十分传神。柳宗元的原文如下:

自西山道口径北逾黄茅岭而下,有二道:其一西出,寻之无所得;其一少北而东,不过四十丈,土断二川分,有积石横当其垠。其上为睥睨梁欐之形;其旁出堡坞,有若门焉,窥之正黑,投以小石,洞然有水声,其响之激越,良久乃已。环之可上,望甚远。无土壤而生嘉树美箭,益奇而坚,奇疏数偃仰,类智者所施也。

噫!吾疑造物者之有无久矣,及是,愈以为诚有。又怪其不为之中州而列是夷狄,更千百年不得一售其伎,是固劳而无用,神者倘不宜如是,则其果无乎?或曰:以慰夫贤而辱于此者。或曰:其气之灵,不为伟人而独为是物,故楚之南少人而多石。是二者余未信之。

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Liu Tsung-yüan is an almost perfect example of the educated gentleman of [Page 117] the ninth century, neither “Confucian” nor “Taoist,” nor merely “Buddhist,” but receptive to all exciting ideas about the place of man in nature. Beyond this, his was a sensitive spirit with a gifted pen. No complicated imagist like Li Ho or Wen T’ing-yün, he wrote plainly and precisely, but with grace and style. His prose shows the true poet’s sense of the value and depth of each word chosen—though most are very ordinary words. He also wrote thoughtfully. We may observe both of these qualities in an essay he composed while in exile in the highlands of Nam-Viet. It is the well-known “Record of the Little Stone Citadel.”

If, after crossing directly northward from the mouth of the West Mountain Road over the Mountain Pass of Yellow Floss-grass, you go down, there will be two roads. One of them goes off to the west; if you follow it, it will get you nowhere. But go east and a little north on the other one, not more than forty ten-feet—where the soil breaks off and the river divides, and piled-up rock extends all along the shore. Above this are the shapes of battlements, beams, and a ridge. From the side protrudes a bastion or redan, and this has a kind of gateway in it. If you peer into it, it is perfectly black. If you throw in a small stone there will be the sound of water, as if in a cavern, and the high-pitched treble of its echo will persist for a good while before it stops. If you circle it, it is possible to ascend and see off a very great distance. Here, without soil or loam, grow excellent trees and fine arrow bamboos, all the more unusual and sturdy for it. Here spread apart and there close set, some bent over and some reaching upwards, they seem to have been disposed in an arrangement by a person of understanding. Ah! I have long wondered if a Fashioner of Creatures exists or not—but with this now, I tend more and more to take it that he does truly exist. But then again, I marvel that instead of making this in the central counties he composed it here among barbarians and savages, and in the course of hundreds, even thousands, of years, there has not been anyone to appraise its artistry. Surely this is to labor uselessly! If we suppose that it is not proper for a divine being to act in this way we must conclude that he does not exist. But some say it is to comfort worthy gentlemen sent here in disgrace; and some say that the holy power of the pneumas here, instead of making men, makes only such objects as this—thus, while men are few southward from Ch’u, there is an abundance of stones. Here are two ideas—I cannot believe either of them!

Perhaps, like Baudelaire, Liu asked himself if there was a hidden meaning here. Perhaps the prodigy symbolized some great truth, or a battle between ancient gods, or a coming cataclysm.

La Nature est un temple ou de vivants piliers

Lt parfois sortir de confuses paroles ;

L’homme passe à travers des forêts de symbols

Qui l’observent avec des regards familiers.

If he did, the question would have been a natural one—the Chinese saw the messages of Heaven everywhere in nature. But Liu had no firm belief in portents. I imagine that his rhetorical question about the purpose of the Fashioner in placing this bizarre pseudo-artifact in a remote wilderness—surely not for the solace of exiled politicians—expressed his objection to a trivial view of the aims of creation. The creative spirit did not condescend to current taste by making its best creatures easily accessible to [Page 118] city dwellers. The divine plan allowed for a natural stone masterpiece on this far frontier as easily as for a rare flower or a secret waterfall in a similar place.


国耻图录(四):威海受降

2008年2月2日星期六

尹丽川与 Joseph Addison

尹丽川,短篇小说“爱情沙尘暴”,出自其小说集《十三不靠》(台北:大块文化出版有限公司,2003)。

Joseph Addison, The Spectator 367 (Thursday, May 1, 1712).


尹丽川的短篇小说“爱情沙尘暴”(我这里只认文字不认道德标签)风格冷峻,结构讲究,读起来让我觉得有后劲儿。其第二节对精神/抽象和物质/垃圾的关系进行了似是而非的反讽。这里面我最关注的,是对于纸张与写作的漫想:白纸与废纸是如何循环往复的?何为精神,何为物质?“道”无所不在。谈论垃圾道”,也是论道的一种。第二节全文如下:

2

“众所周知……”播音员大姐一脸正气……

众所周知,众所周知是一个众所周知的词。那天晚上我在电脑上打出这句话,抽了一根烟,就睡觉去了。我发现酒吧生活就像众所周知一样。众所周知,这真没什么好写的。

第二天清晨,老实说,是上午,我起床后对着窗外灰蒙蒙的天气,抽掉了烟盒里最后一根烟。烟盒当即被扔进垃圾袋,垃圾袋当即被扔进垃圾道,掉在楼下的垃圾场。 一位看不出年岁的黝黑的妇人正在仔细查看,她身材结实瘦小,符合拾破烂者的传统形象,便于钻进塔楼一角低矮的垃圾之门。她穿着藏蓝色的秋衣秋裤,赤脚套着稍有些肥大的军绿胶鞋,背着箩筐,用铁杆和右手检阅此楼居民的生活。轮到我的袋子:泡烂的方便面残余、苹果皮、牛奶袋、大量的手纸、两个小青岛瓶,一个精子发霉的安全套、两个空烟盒。她取出青岛和烟盒。青岛该去回收站,烟盒瘪掉了,只配去废纸收购站。罗列的名字和电话号码将被机器碾得粉碎,混入一锅黏乎乎的纸浆,加工成洁白无字的新纸,再被写上另一些名字们和电话号码们。

拾破烂的妇人拾起有用的垃圾后,背上箩筐,一摇一摆地去别的楼检阅别的人家的生活了。我的垃圾袋中那个精子发霉的安全套,被她毫不吝惜地抛弃了。可见她分不出良莠,没什么水平——假若有位小说家路过这片垃圾,其收获定然有所不同,尤其是明眼的言情小说家,一眼就能看出两个青岛酒瓶和一个安全套的关系,并再生成一篇或数篇小说。看来体力劳动者和脑力劳动者确有着质的不同,前者看重物质,后者看重物质的抽象关系:前者将废纸变成白纸,后者在白纸上写字让白纸重新 变成废纸;前者重新把废纸变成白纸,后者再重新……(我不能再写下去,否则有赚稿费之嫌。)

何况,酒瓶与安全套的关系是经典性的、可重复咀嚼的。纵然已有千百万人写过酒色不分家的故事,这并不妨碍我,作为一名脑力劳动者,就地取材,再写一遍,寄给一家《XX青春月刊》。我楼上住着的那两个形迹可疑的女孩买了翻了,精神愉悦后就把月刊看成了物质,撕下来几张擦桌子。桌子擦干净了,纸很脏,就被扔进了垃圾道。

楼下,拾破烂的妇人遇到了印有我写的小说的那几张纸。妇人一眼看穿,这都是垃圾,不过还行,可以卖钱。应该声明,她的眼光是物质的、功利的,不足取。不过,也是唯物论的。啤酒与性的关系,终究会变成物质,而物质最终都是垃圾。所以脑力劳动者说,精神第一,精神永存。


偶然在十八世纪初英国散文名家Addison Steele 撰写并经营的 The Spectator (《旁观者》)杂志里发现了一篇文字,其中对写作与废纸的关系也漫谈了一番。Addison 对自己的杂志颇有成就感——不仅是因为里面的文章好,还因为单单是该杂志的用纸一项就给很多人提供了饭碗,从造纸、印刷、零售,再到废纸再利用。那时杂货铺、食品店、肉店的包装纸都是用废纸,而印刷 The Spectator 的纸张质量上乘,所以废旧的杂志广为商家购买用作包装,更为街坊四邻广为搜求,用来包裹香料和羊肉馅饼!作为一个文化人和经营者,Addison 对自己的社会公益贡献很得意:“简而言之,当我想象一捆破布变成一刀《旁观者》的全过程,我发现每一步都提供了很多劳力的就业。所以,当我为《旁观者》撰写一篇文章的时候,我觉得我简直是在为芸芸众生提供面包。”这些话都印在1712年五月一日的一期 The Spectator 上。[1]既然能得以保存了下来到现在,就说明好的文字比羊肉馅饼更不朽,但另一方面,它也仍然要依赖今天的物质载体才可以继续不朽下去。



[1] 我把其中有意思的部分摘引出来了:

I have often pleased my self with considering the two kinds of Benefits which accrue to the Publick from these my Speculations, and which, were I to speak after the manner of Logicians, I would distinguish into the Material and the Formal. By the latter I understand those Advantages which my Readers receive, as their Minds are either improv'd or delighted by these my daily Labours; but having already several times descanted on my Endeavours in this Light, I shall at present wholly confine my self to the Consideration of the former. By the Word Material I mean those Benefits which arise to the Publick from these my Speculations, as they consume a considerable quantity of our Paper Manufacture, employ our Artisans in Printing, and find Business for great Numbers of Indigent Persons.

Our Paper-Manufacture takes into it several mean Materials which could be put to no other use, and affords Work for several Hands in the collecting of them, which are incapable of any other Employment. Those poor Retailers, whom we see so busy in every Street, deliver in their respective Gleanings to the Merchant. The Merchant carries them in Loads to the Paper-Mill, where they pass thro' a fresh Set of Hands, and give life to another Trade. Those who have Mills on their Estates, by this means considerably raise their Rents, and the whole Nation is in a great measure supply'd with a Manufacture, for which formerly she was obliged to her Neighbours.

The Materials are no sooner wrought into Paper, but they are distributed among the Presses, where they again set innumerable Artists at Work, and furnish Business to another Mystery. From hence, accordingly as they are stain'd with News or Politicks, they fly thro' the Town in Post-Men, Post-Boys, Daily-Courants, Reviews, Medleys, and Examiners. Men, Women, and Children contend who shall be the first Bearers of them, and get their daily Sustenance by spreading them. In short, when I trace in my Mind a Bundle of Rags to a Quire of Spectators, I find so many Hands employ'd in every Step they take thro their whole Progress, that while I am writing a Spectator, I fancy my self providing Bread for a Multitude.

If I do not take care to obviate some of my witty Readers, they will be apt to tell me, that my Paper, after it is thus printed and published, is still beneficial to the Publick on several Occasions. I must confess I have lighted my Pipe with my own Works for this Twelve-month past: My Landlady often sends up her little Daughter to desire some of my old Spectators, and has frequently told me, that the Paper they are printed on is the best in the World to wrap Spice in. They likewise make a good Foundation for a Mutton pye, as I have more than once experienced, and were very much sought for, last Christmas, by the whole Neighbourhood.

© Copyright by Dun Wang (王敦). All rights reserved. 著作权拥有者:Dun Wang (王敦)。

进化论的牺牲品(转载)



进化论的牺牲品


● 张鸣

袁世凯在中国近代历史上,是有名的反面形象,白脸。不过,跟那些历史上同样的反面形象昏君奸臣不同,他的脸之所以变白,并不是因为他有多么昏暴,挖了忠良的心肝下酒,宠了多少心肠特坏的女人,或者是说了什么我死之后管他洪水滔天之类的浑话。仅仅是因为他要当皇帝,准备了洪宪帝制以及两套龙袍,逼前清的小皇帝溥仪让出了三大殿,预备登基。换言之,袁世凯之所以被钉在历史的耻辱柱上,主要是因为他开历史的倒车,跟长期以来人们公认的进化论开玩笑,违反了历史进步 的直线行进律。

由此,袁世凯皇帝梦的破灭,成全了历史进化论,没有让政治的现代性的进程倒退,也造就了一个经久不衰的神话:即,辛亥革命使民主共和深入人心,复辟和倒退注定要失败。

然而,袁世凯成全了进化论,但历史却并不如此宽宏,多少年之后,至少某些明眼人突然发现,即使在21世 纪的今天,被辛亥革命赶下台的皇帝,也并没有真的从人们心中消失,于是忙着回过头来看历史,一时间,有关袁世凯和孙中山的话题又热了起来,连一向热中于炮制皇帝戏的电视界,也推出了《走向共和》,让孙、袁这对冤家大放其电。美籍华人学者唐德刚的新作《袁氏当国》在国内出版,应该也是回应有心人回头看的一个 不小的热闹。

我最早接触唐德刚的文字,还是在1980年 代的初期,凑巧在一本所谓内部出版的《胡适哲学思想资料选》里,看到有唐编辑的胡适口述史。说实在的,那口述史正文其实平平,了无胜意,倒是唐德刚那夹叙夹议的注释,很是引人入胜。唐氏的文字不惟老辣,而且透着过来人似的透彻,如老吏断狱,往往一语揭破谜局。可惜的是,眼下摆在我案头的这本唐氏的新作,却如放了太多年头的腊肉,虽然还是腊肉,少了一点应有的风味。

可以看得出,作者对袁世凯和孙中山都怀有历史学家特有的温情,立脚处也相当中立,没有国共人士所特有的立场。不过,可能是作者只是将一些随手的札记连缀成篇,深度的思考不足;也许是当年过多的口述史的整理,不经意间被传主的意见所左右,总之,《袁氏当国》只有片段的精彩,比如关于二十一条的交涉,关于当年 民国政府顾问古德诺,关于国民党“二次革命”等等,都还找到唐氏当年文字的风韵,尤其说到民国北洋时期办外交的“专业人士”何以成了不倒翁的那段文字,真是爱煞个人。然而,通篇看去,这样的文字在全书中并不多见,相反,我们在书中看到了不少的游移,不少的武断,甚至还有一些掺杂着大路货资料的老生常谈。

袁世凯复辟是一出悲剧,正因为这出悲剧,中国陷入了几十年的军阀混战。考究其原因,唐氏没有像西方著作那样直接点明,但事实上列出两大理由,一是制度设计的扞格与制度与人的冲突,二是袁世凯本人思想境界之旧。此论固然突破了过去仅仅在袁氏个人品质道德上转、围绕着“皇帝梦”三字做文章的窠臼,但依然有说不清道不明的嫌疑。

先说制度问题。辛亥革命一开始建立的政权性质是美国式的总统制,总统直接领导内阁。这是当时中国先进分子的共识,认为美国制度是最先进的,而中国学西方就要 “法乎其上”,所以,一上手就是大总统云云,中国的华盛顿云云。然而,待将政权交给袁世凯之际,为了牵制这个枭雄,同是这些先进分子控制的临时参议院又将美国式的总统制改成内阁制(实际上法国式的半总统制),总统和内阁之间,加了个总理,由总理负责领导内阁。唐氏由此得出结论,认为这种制度转换,是革命党人想要“虚君”,而袁世凯根本不想做虚君,“政治矛盾要用枪杆解决,民国因此逐渐变成军阀的天下了。”(

不错,当时的革命党人,的确在制度设计上欠考虑,他们一方面对西方制度有着近乎神圣的迷信,像当时的名记者黄远庸说的那样,幻想着只要民主共和的旗帜挂在城头,中国就可以立马改变了模样。但是另一方面,他们又缺乏对民主制度的虔信,只是把这种制度当成工具,甚至看成可以和中国古老的权力技术嫁接起来的工具。 所以,怪事就出来了:以彻底地学习西方的旗帜下的革命政府,不仅随意地以政府法令的方式侵夺公民权利(比如剪辫),而且可以在旬月之内,随意改变政体。然 而,革命党人的错误并不足以导致袁氏最终的帝制自为,跟后来的军阀混战更是没有直接的关系。唐德刚先生不是考证过了吗?宋教仁被刺案最终并没有跟袁世凯的直接联系,袁跟宋案的关系更可能像后来的蒋经国跟江南案的关系一样,是手下过于忠实之徒将马屁拍到马腿上的结果。而国民党的“二次革命”,不也是革命党人自己先打的第一枪,而且连蔡锷都对此表示声讨吗(实际上许多革命党人也对此不以为然,三督之中,广东的胡汉民和湖南的谭延闿实际上都是被迫参加的)?是国民党人自己破坏了宋案法律解决的可能,既然如此,袁世凯有必要跟革命党人一般见识,毁掉自己的合法性基础吗?事实上,第一届国会选举国民党的大胜,很难说一定刺激和威胁到了袁世凯的地位。因为我们看到当时大权在握的袁世凯,对于国会选举,并没有动用他的行政和军事资源进行干预,一任国民党高歌猛进(事实上,这种干预在那个年代是非常容易的,后来的段祺瑞在资源远不如袁世凯的情况下,还成功地操纵了一次国会选举[安福国会]),而且,就当时而言,连宋教仁自己也清楚,就算是由国民党组阁,当时的政体也是法国式的半总统制,总统依然是强势,大选的胜利,距离威胁袁大总统的宝座还远着呢。更何况,当时的国民党诸巨头孙、黄、宋等人,或者沉迷于修20万公里铁路,或者沉迷于宪政,头脑里有没有夺权的概念都很难说。退一万步说,就是算是国民党的“抢班夺权”行为刺激了袁世凯,那么经过一系列成功的政治和军事运作,袁世凯不仅消弭了国民党的势力,也消灭了原来对他的种种制度上的限制,甚至成功地赢得了舆论的同情,有什么必要非要一步步走到帝制的火炉上呢?特别需要指出的是,当最终袁世凯帝制自为的时候,他已经成了事实上的皇帝,不仅是终身总统,而且还可以传子(指定下届总统),就算袁世凯是个超级的野心家, 皇帝的名位对他真的就那么重要吗?富有政治经验、老于世故的他,难道看不出这里的政治风险吗?为了一个虚名而去冒险,像个“当代曹操”的作为吗?

当然,对此,唐氏还有另外一种解释,那就是袁世凯的思想旧,满脑子都是中国传统的统治术。这一点,相信熟读《资治通鉴》的唐德刚先生,特别有感觉。的确,袁世凯的所作所为,怎么看都有古代权术的影子,唱了很多看似高明的老调子,玩了些许其实并不高明的小伎俩。唐德刚采访过的顾维钧(当时做过袁世凯的英文秘书)也认为,袁世凯根本没有对民主制度的基本信仰。当然,袁世凯从教育背景来看,的确比孙中山要旧些,但这个背景的差异,并不意味着袁世凯必然头脑冬烘, 不会赞同向西方学习。唐氏自己也说,在清末新政的时候,袁世凯是个相当新的人物。其实,当时的袁世凯岂止“新”,他可以说是新政的关键,新政以全面学习西方为目标的改革,在军事、警察、邮政、司法、行政和教育等诸方面,都有他至关重要的作用,事实上,当时的他,甚至跟立宪派也有密切的联系,清朝的预备立宪,如果没有他这样的重臣推动,肯定不会那么快。从那时起,他的夹袋中就已经储备了一干受过西方教育的人才,其学识和对西方政治的认识,并不逊于革命党 人。退一步,如果非要说袁世凯思想旧,那么二次革命失败后的孙中山旧不旧呢?当时的袁世凯不过是在抓权揽权集权,但民国的各项改革比如司法、行政、警务、 税收等等仍然在一板一眼地进行,绝不含糊。可孙中山却执意要将一个原本已经很有西方政党色彩的国民党,改造成帮会式的中华革命党,所有党员分出等级,都要对他绝对效忠,还要打指模宣誓。这一套,唐氏说是来自基督教的仪式,错了,那是孙中山当年在檀香山致公堂(洪门)做洪棍时学来的,不信,可以查查洪门的 《海底》。唐德刚先生说此时的孙袁是一枚硬币的两面,还是不对,其实是一面,只是孙中山走得更远,一头扎到极端专制的黑社会去了。

无论古今中外,凡是一个国家大的政治举措和制度的变革,背后必有当局者对情势的考量,主观的因素往往只起次要的作用。晚清以降,由湘淮军兴起导致的地方主义 愈演愈烈,政治格局上的朝小野大,内轻外重,地方势力坐大的局面已非一日。辛亥革命之所以成功,在很大程度上是因为西太后去世后朝廷的满族新贵,不惟成立 皇族内阁,开罪了立宪派,还贸然采取一系列措施,加强中央集权,削弱地方势力,结果得罪了包括袁世凯在内的地方势力,导致众叛亲离的结果。群龙无首的武昌起义革命士兵,只是在恰当的时机,点着了本该燃烧的干柴。而辛亥以后,地方主义更加不可遏制,各地当权者,无论新旧,都是据地自雄的军阀。孙中山号称是独 立各省拥戴的大总统,但没有一个省给他一分钱。连政府的开张费用,都是那个当了状元不做官的张謇借来的。赶走国民党人,唐德刚先生说是袁世凯在削藩,但是实际上是削了弱藩换上了强藩,龙济光、张勋、李纯甚至袁世凯最得力的大将冯国璋,占了国民党人的地盘之后,都不太听招呼了。二次革命后,看起来大获全胜的 袁世凯,实际上面对的是一个五代十国的局面,连昔日言听计从的北洋诸将,此时都成骄兵悍将,不仅不听政令,甚至连上解款也日益含糊起来。所以,我们才看到了一系列的变革,什么废督,什么虚省设道,什么文官政治,甚至包括设立将帅团,统统都是冲地方的大小军阀去的。然而,这种与虎谋皮的举措,具体实行起来, 不用说是障碍重重,推行得好是艰难。在这时候,显然袁世凯想起了当年在大清国的情景,皇帝的权威之重,即使像他这样权倾朝野、盘根错节的人物,想要拿掉, 一纸诏书也就搞定。到了这个时候,某些谋士自以为聪明的鼓噪也就听得进去了,而来自大洋彼岸的政治学权威的理论,则恰逢其时地成了让火烧得更旺的东风(借东风的恰是那个坚持宪政的宋教仁,是他聘的古德诺)。从某种意义上说,袁世凯的洪宪帝制,实际上是又一次急进的中央集权运动,在这场运动里,皇帝不仅仅是 一种名号,而是一种可以重树政治权威的架构,一种古老但曾经行之有效的意识形态,显然,这场运动跟清末那些少不更事的满族权贵发起的运动一样,以惨败而告终。

谙于权术的袁世凯,显然既迷惑于昔日帝制权威的幻象,又迷惑于社会上一般人对民国的反感。他忘了帝制权威已经被辛亥革命给打碎了,再度重建不仅需要时日,而 且要有强大的武力作为背景(而此时连他的嫡系武力都不听招呼了)。他更忘了,那些散在各地的骄兵悍将,正苦于没有借口来反抗他重树中央权威的举措,而袁世凯的称帝之举,恰好他们提供了一个大举反叛的合法借口,在历史进化论尚未破产的时候,这种借口显得是那么的堂堂正正。如果蔡锷不起兵,或许袁世凯还可以拖些日子,只要蔡锷举起了讨袁的旗帜,那么袁世凯的众叛亲离是必然的结果,大名鼎鼎的蔡将军,其实也不过是那个恰好点了一堆本该烧起来的干柴的人。说实在的,蔡锷那三千缺枪少弹的讨袁军能有多大力量,真正致袁世凯死命的恰是他自己曾经十分效忠的部下。

袁世凯遗臭万年了,连十分旷达的唐德刚先生,都拿他的称帝之举,跟汪精卫的叛国当汉奸相类比,说他们一失足成千古恨,“卿本佳人,奈何做贼”?然而,细想想,这两个人其实不一样,袁世凯并没有违反民族大义,卖国当汉奸,他的所作所为,只是不恰当地进行了一次政治体制的改革,开了惯常所谓的倒车而已,而且这个所谓的倒车,退得实际上也有限,绝非像后来人们批判的那样,退到清朝新政之前去,他的帝制不过是君主立宪而已。以今天的眼光观之,其实古德诺的说法并没有错,在那个时代,君主立宪和民主共和制度并无优劣之分,关键看国情合适不合适。尽管如此,袁世凯还是遗臭万年了,甚至比当了汉奸的汪精卫还要臭,这里, 袁氏的臭,既有后来的主政者为树立孙中山而做反衬的意识形态需要,也出于历史进化论的强大拉动,当然,这也是一种意识形态,而且是国共两党所共同接受的意识形态。人们宁愿相信,历史只能向前走,不能哪怕稍微后退一点,而这个前进的方向,则是由西方现代史所规定的,离君主越远的制度,就越先进,革命越彻底的 制度也越进步,而先进和进步是不能违抗的,否则就是反动,凡是反动的人,跟汉奸卖国贼也就相差无几了。

袁世凯的悲剧,其实并不只是他个人的悲剧,也是中国的悲剧。时间离袁世凯的悲剧,已经过去快100年了,如果还没有人费心考察一下,历史是否真的是按进化论划的直线行进的,那可就是出上演近百年的悲剧了。

转载自天益网 (http://www.tecn.cn)